Post-Soviet Demographic Paradoxes: Ethnic Differences in Marriage and Fertility in Kazakhstan Essay

The goal of this seek is to analyze the minority theme location hypothesis regarding specific storys of the family-building process for different kind of countries, but they had stop on the Middle East and Central Asia. These countries has been considered by Agadjanian in 1999 long time, jury & Carlson in 2008. The hypothesis posits an interaction effect betwixt sociality on the whizz hand and gentility or an other(a)(prenominal) measures of socioeconomic stipulation on the other hand.And also they respect to the measure and intensity of each stage of the reproductive cycle first marriage, first give interval, second fork up interval and so on and ultimately completed family size. This interaction between heathenity and education can appear in whiz or twain of two partial forms. First, disadvantaged minority groups within a nightspot may exhibit earlier marriage, shorter birth intervals, and subsequent higher levels of malodorousness than the majority population.T his higher fertility at the bottom of the society has been interpreted variously as the result of blocked alternate opportunities, or as persistence of a separate minority group subculture emphasizing pronatalist norms. Second, elites among such(prenominal) minority groups may exhibit later marriage, longer birth intervals, and later onwards lower levels of fertility than the majority population. This has been interpreted as status disquiet of these minority elites in the face of potential discrimination from the majority.The minority group status hypothesis was first developed with respect to race/ethnical identity within the United States but has subsequently been applied to a wide range of ethnic minorities within national populations in umteen parts of the world. With respect to Central Asia, Agadjanian has explored this hypothesis in Kazakhstan and concluded that patterns of childbearing there do not fit the hypothesis well.On the other hand, thrust and Carlson have recen tly demonstrated that the hypothesis describes marriage patterns of ethnic Kurds compared to the majority population in nearby Turkey extremely well, with twain forms of the effect clearly identifiable. This paper uses evidence from the 1995 and 1999 Kazakh Demographic and Health Surveys to visit the clock of marriage for two distinctive groups within the population of Kazakhstan.We play along Agadjanian in combining ethnic Russians with other European groups and comparing them to the ethnic Kazakh population in the country, and also in excluding small ethnic break out groups from other Central Asian countries (Uzbeks, Kyrgyz, etc) from the epitome1. We concentrate on marriage clock in order to most closely replicate the work of Gore and Carlson for Turkey, and also because Agadjanian has demonstrated that virtually all births in Kazakhstan for these samples of women occurred within and unawares after(prenominal) marriage.Since marriage thus constitutes a reliable marker for the timing of the first step along the path of reproduction, it makes sense to begin analysis at that point. Agadjanian (1999) has treated this issue of marriage timing in Kazakhstan in a previous article, but that analysis completed some years ago did not involve neverthelesst history analysis, and also did not specifically examine the hypothesized interaction effect between education and ethni city2.Kazakhstan unambiguously raises an unusual theoretical issue about the minority group status hypothesis, because it is not immediately obvious which of the ethnic populations in the country should be regarded as the disadvantaged minority in terms of expected consequences for timing of reproductive behavior. Some evidence shows that the ethnic Russian and more generally, the European segment of the population historically appropriated a disproportionate share of the higher-status occupations after immigrating into Kazakhstan in response to Russian/Soviet resettlement initiatives.Howe ver, other research has demonstrated a concentration of ethnic Kazakhs in higher education and some other fields. Similarly, the numerical balance of these groups in the population has shifted in recent decades, and has always been near parity in terms of control condition by sheer numbers. For these reasons we do not assume at the set-back which group should be regarded as the minority group for evaluating the hypothesis, but kinda examine the empirical results for clues on this question.Agadjanian has proposed and utilized in some(prenominal) studies a useful division of the ethnic Kazakh population into two groups described as more or less russified based on selection of converse language by these respondents at the time of each survey those who chose to be interviewed in Russian are compared to those who chose the Kazakh language for the survey interviews. 3 These groups allow besides tests of the minority group status hypothesis, specifically for the most disadvantaged me mbers of the population, in terms of evaluating the election hypotheses of blocked opportunities versus persistence of prontalist subcultures as explanations for higher fertility.Although the residuum between ethnic and religious self-identification is extremely strong in these surveys about all Russians account themselves as Orthodox and nearly all Kazakhs identify themselves as Moslem, regardless of language or other differences the correspondence is not perfect and we also examine religious identity as an alternative way of operationalizing ethnicity in examining the minority group status hypothesis. And at the ratiocination of my critical essay I would like to tell some interest facts that happened in my country. The Kazakhs attach great significance to the birth and raising of children.A Kazakh family is not considered happy without children, specially sonsthe continuers of the clan. There are many springer and ceremonies associated with birth and raising of children. Th ese customs arose from centuries of experiences and from the Kazakh worldview. Thus, they protected a pregnant charr from the evil eye with the aid of amulets and did not allow her to leave the mansion alone at night weapons, wolves teeth, eagles bills, and owl talons were nix wherever she followd. tout ensemble this was necessary to protect her from impure forces. The pregnant woman herself had to observe a multitude of taboos.In order not to tangle the childs umbilical cord, for example, she could not step over the staff for raising the attic of the yurt (bakan) , the device for catching horses (kuruk), rope (arkan) , and many other items. She was also forbidden to eat camel meat because it was thought that, were she to do so, she would run her child for xii months, like a she-camel. Kazakhs protect pregnant women from heavy labor, especially in the later months. Kazakhs carefully guard the woman and child during the actual birth and the first forty sidereal days thereafte r, which are regarded as especially redoubted for the baby.Various rituals are followedplacing the child in the cradle on the 7th day, for example the fortieth day after birth is seen as especially festive because the danger is deemed to have passed. Only women gather at this celebration. Kazakhs change children to work from an early age. They teach a boy to ride a horse at age 3 and to tend it and other gillyflower at age 5 or 6. The shaving service, strongly upheld in modern times, is conducted when a boy has reached age 3 to 10. Girls are taught to sew, embroider, and carry out other sign of the zodiac activities.In the past, Kazakhs believed that at age 13 to 15 they were ready for independent life and could have their own family at present girls marry at age 16 to 18. The brief ceremony at the registration office is called a AHAZH. The AHAZH also features a progress of cars decorated in ribbons, which stops to take pictures along the way. In the city of Turkistan in sout hern Kazakhstan, the photos must include one of the couple at the Yasawi Shrine. For many progressive families the AHAZH has almost replaced both the Neke Qiyu and the betashar.The religious part of the Kazakh espousals ceremony is called Neke Qiyu. The wedding process may take many weeks and even months to complete. This is because a Kazakh marriage, like marriages in most Muslim societies, involves a come between families which requires negotiation. The Neke Qiyu is a small portion of the whole, and usually takes about a half an hour to complete. The Neke Qiyu usually takes place on the evening of the day the bride is revealed to her grooms family.This festive ceremony is calledbetashar or revealing of the face. by and by she shows respect to her grooms family, the veil is lifted and the bride receives a osculate from her mother-in-law4. The mother-in-law then puts a white scarf on her flip to map her marital status and then welcomes her into the grooms family. After several hours a feasting, a mullah arrives. A mullah is a teacher of Islam who knows how to recite the Quran5. He performs the Neke Qiyu. Even though the betashar is performed outside in the garden in the strawman of many relatives and friends, the Neke Qiyu is performed inside with close relatives only.The mullah and the couple sit facing one another. He briefly recites some verses from the Quran and asks the couple to confess the religious belief of Islam. When this ceremony is done, the couple must go and register their marriage at the state registry office, a practice introduced in the Soviet period. Among erratic Kazakhs the small, individual family predominated, consisting, as a rule, of a get married couple, their unmarried children, and immemorial parents. In accordance with custom, the oldest son was able to marry first, followed by the other sons in descending order of age.The father allotted livestock to the married son and in this way created a new household. According to the antediluvian customs of the minorat, the youngest son was not allotted a household, even after marriage. He remained the heir to the ancestral hearth. Among the seminomadic and settled Kazakhs, there were extended families in which several closely related families lived in one household. Usually this was the family of the head of the household, as well as his married sons, and, after his death, the families of his married brothers.As a rule, however, after the death of the household master, the married brothers parted company. The daughters went to live with the families of their husbands after marriage. Elements of patriarchal relations were preserved in certain ways, however. wed sons, even when they had their own individual households, did not break ties with the paternal household completely. Many labor-intensive tasks, such as pasturing of livestock, shearing of sheep, preparation of felt, and so on, were accomplished through the efforts of several households with close relations along paternal lines.This was especially important in defending livestock and pastures from the encroachment of others. such(prenominal) a unification of families, the basis of kinship ties, is called in the literature a family-kin group. In Kazakh, these groupings are called bir ata baralary (children of one father). If a family-kin group was called Koshenbaralary, for example, then their ancestor was called Koshen, and the families of this group had heads who were grandsons and great-grandsons of Koshen. Among the Kazakhs, such family-kin groups formed communities. The heads of families were considered close relatives up to the fourth or fifth generation.